{{anchor|header-n7493}} '''socialist political economy'''

socialist political economy

Unfinished Second Edition Discussion Draft

Edited by the writing group of "Socialist Political Economy"

September 1976 Shanghai

'''Table of contents'''

"Socialist Political Economy" Compilation Group

September 1976 · Shanghai

In terms of soil quality, take two plots in Maqiao Commune in the suburbs of Shanghai as an example. One plot is called "Yutang plot", which is dominated by yellow mud head. The soil is loose and the water conservancy conditions are good, so the yield is high.

In 1974, the average grain yield per mu of the three brigades in this film reached 1,639 catties; the other film, called "Lin Song Film", was mainly composed of green and purple mud, and the terrain was low-lying. Waterlogging; the sky is clear, and the ground is too hard to move, so the yield is low. In 1974, the average grain yield per mu of the five brigades in this film was 1,424 catties, 250 catties per mu less than the previous film.

From the perspective of geographical location, taking the suburbs of Shanghai as an example, production teams close to urban areas or industrial areas have many favorable conditions compared with teams in the outer suburbs. First, there are abundant fertilizer sources. Industrial wastewater and waste residues can be obtained as fertilizers, or as long as a few laborers are required, human manure from factories and villages can be obtained. Second, the transportation is convenient. The production teams close to the urban area save much labor compared to the outer suburban teams, whether they transport garbage, deliver vegetables, or tread on swill. The outskirts team not only employs a lot of labor, but also has a large loss of vehicles. The above factors have resulted in a big difference between the rural teams of the suburban team and the outer suburban team. For example, the production team in Lingjialong, Hongqiao Commune, Shanghai County, Shanghai is close to the urban area, and the agricultural capital only accounts for 13.7% of the total income; while the fourth team in the western suburbs, which is slightly farther away from the urban area, the agricultural capital accounts for 33.5% of the total income. %.

Nikolai Alexievich Woznetsensky (1903-1950), Ph.D. in Economics of the Soviet Union, Academician of the Academy of Sciences. He served as Chairman of the State Planning Commission of the Soviet Union, Vice Chairman and First Vice Chairman of the Soviet People's Committee (Ministers Council). After the Seventeenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, he was elected as a member of the Central Supervisory Committee, a member of the Central Committee, an alternate member of the Political Bureau and a member of the Political Bureau. The main works are: "On the Problem of Socialist Economy" (1931), "The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Socialist Economy" (1933), "On Soviet Money" (1935), "The War Economy of the Soviet Union During the Patriotic War" (1947) et al. During the period when he led the economic work of the Soviet Union, he implemented a revisionist line of regulating production and exchange with the law of value and promoting material incentives. Stalin criticized him for "seeking the restoration of capitalism in Russia" and dismissed him. When Khrushchev came to power, he restored his reputation, touting him as "an outstanding activist for the Communist Party and economic science", "an outstanding organizer of socialist planning" and so on.

In the article "On Socialist Economic Problems", Woznetsensky advocated that the main contradiction of socialism is the contradiction between the advanced socialist production relations and the backward productive forces, and the solution to this contradiction is to continuously develop productive forces. He said: "The Soviet proletariat resolves the contradiction between advanced socialist production relations and relatively backward productive forces by raising the level of development of productive forces, while raising productive forces on the basis of socialism is to 'catch up with and surpass advanced capital' The purpose of building a socialist society is to build a socialist society. Eliminating this contradiction is the content of the heroic struggle of the proletariat and its party during the transitional period." "When classes and class antagonisms disappear, this contradiction will become the mainstay of the socialist economy. The basic internal contradiction. This contradiction is solved by the socialist workers' groups developing production to an unprecedented speed."

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According to the 1935 "Model Regulations of Agricultural Labor Combinations", in major agricultural areas, each farm household on collective farms may have one cow, two calves, one or two sows with piglets, and up to ten sheep and goats , Unlimited number of poultry and rabbits, less than 20 boxes of bees; in animal husbandry areas can also increase some, but in fact often exceed the regulations. The livestock raised by the collective farm members individually account for a large proportion of the national livestock population.

In 1952, the 19th Congress of the CPSU revealed: "There are many staff members who forget that the enterprises entrusted to them are state-owned enterprises, and even try to turn these enterprises into their hereditary territories." 'order', their own 'discipline'", "they can do anything", "misbehaving". Such as: Ulyanovsk region "a part of the staff of the leadership and the staff of the Soviets and the party have become depraved and corrupted to the extent of embezzling public funds, wasting and stealing state property." "The director of the Food Joint Manufacturing Plant in Pergne District violated state discipline, often abused his power, and illegally misappropriated various materials and products from the enterprise in large quantities." There were also "numerous instances of theft of public property" in state-run commercial establishments.

In the collective farms, some leaders used their power to steal public property in large quantities. The Soviet newspapers revealed at the time that Shurbakiyev, the chairman of a farm in the Enbesh-Kazakh district of Almaty region, "placed all his relatives and friends in the jobs in charge of materials and money" to form a theft group.

From 1945 to 1952 "theft and embezzlement of public property" for eight years, "rich fortune". In terms of management, "certain leaders took an incorrect line. They established independent production teams on collective farms and abolished production teams." They even contracted production to teams, undermining collective ownership. In 1950, there were 880 such groups on the farms in the Stalo-Oskol district of Kursk Oblast and 442 in the Svoboda district.

The Soviet revision of the "Regulations on Socialist State-Owned Production Enterprises" stipulates that "the power related to production and operation activities shall be exercised by the manager (person in charge, owner) and other responsible personnel of the enterprise according to the division of duties." The manager of the enterprise has the right to determine the personnel of the enterprise. Fixed quota, the right to "recruit and dismiss staff, take incentive measures and punish the staff of the enterprise"; have the right to determine the wages and bonuses of employees; have the right to sell, transfer or lease the production materials of the enterprise; have the right to control the ownership of the enterprise Various "economic stimulus funds, etc." at their own disposal.

The joint production company first appeared in 1961 as the former shoe company and the Dawning Leather company in the Lviv Economic District of Ukraine. In 1962, the November Plenary Session of the Soviet revisionist Central Committee decided to gradually merge enterprises and establish various production associations (companies), and conduct experiments in Moscow and Leningrad. At the 24th Congress of Soviet revision, Brezhnev further emphasized that " the policy of establishing joint companies and joint enterprises must be more resolutely implemented - in the future they should become the basic economic accounting units of social production." March 2, 1973 On July 1, the Central Committee of Soviet Revision and the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union concocted "Several Measures for Further Perfecting Industrial Management", calling for the consolidation and acceleration of the development of the joint production company. In this way, the grassroots organization of state monopoly capitalism, the Production Association, was quickly developed under the impetus of the Soviet revisionist renegade clique. Su Xiu believed that "it is of urgent significance to merge enterprises by subordinating small and medium-sized enterprises that are currently independent to large enterprises." Under the vigorous advocacy and coercion of Brezhnev and his gang, the All-Soviet Union Company has From a few in the early 1960s to more than 1,500 in October 1974.

As early as March 9, 1955, the Soviet revisionist renegade clique attacked the Stalin-era agricultural planning system as "unnecessary", "bureaucratic, exaggerated, and out of touch with the reality of life." It is stipulated that "commodity output should be the starting point of the plan" to replace the original production plan (including crop varieties and sown area); collective farms can decide on their own the sown area of various crops and livestock as long as they complete the task of delivering to the state. Productivity and head count, "how to produce these products is a matter for the farmers themselves and the farm chairman."

1969 further stipulated that the chairman of the "collective farms" has the right to lease or transfer the state-owned land used by the farms; he has the right to control the property and funds of the farms until he is free to buy and sell agricultural machinery and other means of production; The right to decide the labor remuneration and bonuses of the banker; the right to fire the banker and employees, etc.

In 1957, the bankers engaged in private labor in the Soviet Union accounted for 32% of the total bankers (equivalent to adult bankers with working ability).

In 1959, the labor force of the whole Soviet Union engaged in personal sideline business was 9.9 million, and the labor force engaged in housework was 12.8 million, accounting for 17.7% of the total labor force of 128 million. In 1965 , the proportion rose to 20% (25 million people), and as high as 26% in Siberia.

The private economy occupies an important position in the Soviet economy: in 1958, the share of private sideline products in collective farm agricultural production in the whole Soviet Union was 31.8%. In animal husbandry production, the proportion of private animal husbandry is even greater. In 1960, the private livestock owned by individual sideline businesses in the whole Soviet Union accounted for the proportion of the national livestock head: cattle - 30.4%; sheep - 21.1%; goats - 81.4%. According to statistics in 1960, 43% of the average living expenses of each villager in the whole Soviet Union depended on personal sideline income, and even more than half of them in many areas.

The so-called collective farm market in the Soviet Union has long since become a capitalist free market. It continues to expand with the development of the private economy. In March 1966, there were more than 7,200 in the country; after 1970, there were more than 8,000. This market refers to a fixed market with a dedicated address. As for those small markets such as docks, ports, and railway stations that the Soviet revisionists called spontaneous, that didn't count.

According to the Soviet revisionist press, after the implementation of Brezhnev's "new economic system", the monthly piece-rate wages for lathe workers in state-owned enterprises in the Soviet Union ranged from 50 to 60 rubles to a low 70 to 80 rubles. And those managers, factory directors and other bureaucratic monopoly capitalists use legal means such as wages, bonuses, subsidies and other legal means to seize, which are dozens or even hundreds of times higher than the wages of workers, and those who use illegal means such as corruption and theft are not included. .

In order to strengthen the exploitation of workers, the Soviet revisionist renegade group has vigorously advocated and promoted the "layoff experiment" of the Shekino Chemical Complex since 1969. This "experiment" was an important step for the Soviet revisionists to implement the "new economic system" and an important measure to strengthen the exploitation of workers. The "layoff test" is to lay off staff by strengthening the labor intensity of workers by "increasing the workload and expanding the scope of services". At the same time, it is stipulated that the total wage fund of the enterprise will remain unchanged for several years, and the surplus wage fund due to layoffs will be reserved for the enterprise to be dominated by a small group of privileged classes. As a result of the "layoff experiment", not only the privileged few have embezzled a large part of the surplus wage fund, but also batches of workers have been fired and left unemployed or semi-unemployed, forming a relatively surplus population. According to the Soviet revisionist press, only 292 enterprises in the Russian Federation "working according to Shekino's example" had laid off 70,000 workers as of July 1, 1973. Even the First Secretary of the Moscow Region Party Committee had to admit that due to the implementation of the "new system" and the mass layoffs of workers, unemployment had become a "nationwide" problem in the Soviet Union.

The exploitation of Soviet workers by the Soviet bureaucratic monopoly bourgeoisie has far exceeded that of the Tsarist Russian capitalists today. According to statistics, in 1908, the exploitation rate in the Russian industrial sector was about 100%, while in 1973, the exploitation rate in the Soviet industrial sector was as high as 200%.

The brutal exploitation has aroused the dissatisfaction and anger of the majority of workers. "We have a lot of millionaires here," said an old Soviet worker with 30 years of experience. "They have nothing in common with us, not only in life, but also in language." A student at a university in Moscow said : "The Soviet Union is now a capitalist country. People with high salaries live better than Western capitalists, and the factories and enterprises of the whole country are in their hands. And ordinary people live in poverty, even worse than in the Tsarist days."

In 1970, the average Soviet farmer was actually paid less than sixty rubles a month. The average monthly salary of the farm chairman is more than 300 rubles, and some are as high as more than 1,000 rubles. The chief economist, accountant, agronomist, mechanics, animal husband and other major experts are paid 200 to 300 rubles a month. The income of the farm chairman is ten to twenty times higher than that of the average farmer. In addition, the farm chairman and his "think tank" also exploited them in the name of "bonus" and "subsidy". The chairman of the farm in the Ukrainian Zhimir region plundered 15% to 25% of the farm's total labor compensation fund in the name of so-called "administrative management fees". Some farm chairmen live in luxurious residences, with cars and villas, while the majority of the villagers live in simple wooden houses and short adobe houses and live a poor life.

It can be seen from the above table that although the proportion of the commune level and the brigade level in the third-level collective economy is still relatively small at present, the commune economy and the brigade economy are both developing at a much faster rate than the production brigade economy. , compared with 1974 in 1975, in terms of the total income of the tertiary economy, in terms of the contribution of the tertiary economy to national taxation, in terms of the accumulation of the collective economy itself, or in terms of the ability to purchase fixed assets , the proportions of both the commune level and the brigade level are increasing. In the longer term, this change will be more significant. For example, in 1970, the commune-level economy accounted for only a dozen percent, the brigade-level economy was less than 5%, and the production team-level economy accounted for more than 80% of the three-level total income of the people's communes in the suburbs of Shanghai. By 1975, the collective economy at the commune and brigade levels had risen to 34% and 19.5% respectively, and the economy at the production brigade level had dropped to 46.5% accordingly.

In 1975, the disparity in the collective income distribution of production teams among several brigades in Jiading County, Shanghai was as follows: the second production team of Zhuqiao Commune Lighthouse Brigade had an average of 282 yuan per person per year, while the ninth production team of the same brigade had only 282 yuan per person per year. One hundred and sixty-four yuan, a difference of 78%. The Xiajiazhai production team of the Zhenbei Brigade of the Long March Commune has an average of 243 yuan per person per year, while the Xujiazhai production team of the same brigade is only 130 yuan, a difference of 87%. The production team of the West High Building in the Xuangao Brigade of Wangxin Commune has an average of 180 yuan per person per year, while the Yaowan production team of the same brigade is only 99 yuan, which is nearly double the difference.

From the situation of the Peng Zhao Brigade of Malu Commune in Jiading County, Shanghai below, we can see how the poor and lower-middle peasants created conditions for transitioning to the basic ownership of the brigade. The Peng Zhao brigade consists of 490 households, 1,673 people, and eight production teams. With the development of agricultural mechanization and farmland capital construction, the basic ownership of the production team appears to be incompatible with the productive forces. Beginning in 1975, they proposed the idea of "changing content first and then wearing hats". While strengthening ideological education for members, they prepared conditions for the future transition to brigade ownership from ten aspects:

(1) Establish brigade agricultural machinery stations and expand the scope of brigade management of agricultural machinery.

(2) Establish a brigade fertilizer transportation team, which is specially responsible for transporting urban garbage, black mud, large manure, and ammonia water back, and the brigade will distribute it uniformly according to the soil quality of each production team.

(3) Establish a brigade seed field, which is specially responsible for cultivating, keeping and supplying fine seeds for each production team.

(4) Establish a professional plant protection team, and the pests and diseases will be controlled by the team.

(5) Establish a professional greening team, and the team will make a unified plan for afforestation.

(6) Expand the sideline professional team and vigorously develop the sideline production led by pig raising.

(7) Establish a professional team for farmland infrastructure construction.

(8) Actively help the poor teams to develop production, and at the same time stabilize and properly control the personal income distribution of the rich teams, and narrow the gap between the rich and the poor among the production teams.

(9) The distribution level of team-run enterprise personnel is roughly similar to that of agricultural communal members.

(10) Appropriately expand the part of cooperative medical care that is borne by the collective, and increase medical subsidies for members who have financial difficulties.

In old China, there were literally thousands of historical facts in this regard. Just take Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Company as an example. The relationship between capitalists and workers in this company is established in this way. In addition to relying on managers, factory managers, supervisors, and foremen to supervise and direct the labor of workers, the capitalists also employ 30 specialized workers. Multiple pseudo-police, savage club rule. Pseudo-police copy, beat, imprisoned workers, and even hacked to death with axes. There are various rules and regulations that restrict the freedom of workers in the factory. Article 30 of the factory regulations revised at the end of 1931 stipulates: "Those who violate the following items shall be fired or ordered to pay compensation after the factual evidence is ascertained: 1. Those who disobey the orders of the factory and the circumstances are serious; 2. Those who assemble a crowd to fight and disturb the factory. 3. molesting women and hindering workers; 4. stealing public property; 5. intentionally damaging public property worth more than five yuan; 6. intentionally making bad products; 7. inciting labor unrest and sabotaging work with evidence; Fraudulent work value; 9. Falsely reporting prices for profit or colluding with secret commissions; 10. After signing in or throwing cards, going out without any reason." Article 31 also stipulates: "Violators of the following paragraphs shall be punished by severity and fines. It will be deducted from the salary; if you commit up to four times a month, you should be dismissed immediately: 1. If you leave duty without permission, you will be fined 40 cents; 2. If you are late and absent from work, you will be fined 10 cents per day and 20 cents per month; 3. Negligence to produce products , punished according to the severity; 4. Drowsiness, sitting and lying down, fined 20 cents; 5. Noisy, 40 cents; 6. Insulting colleagues, fined 1 dollar; 7. Sleeping with tears on the ground, fined 1 cent; 8. Forgot to accept 9. If you forget to sign, you will be fined 20.00; 10. If you stop work before you leave work, you will be fined 2.00.” From the above clauses, you can clearly see the mutual relationship between capitalists and workers. the nature of the relationship. This is the company that extracts high profits from this brutal pursuit of workers. The annual rate of exploitation (ratio of residual value to variable capital) in 1914 and 1915 was 362% and 404%, and between 1933 and 1936 the rate of exploitation was over 1000% per year.

The 33rd Shanghai Cotton Textile Factory had a total of 103 rules and regulations and 330,000 words formulated before the Cultural Revolution. There are several situations in these systems: some are controlled, blocked, and suppressed on workers, which hampers the workers’ socialist enthusiasm, and some are behind closed doors, divorced from reality, cumbersome in content, unable to remember, unable to do it, and not suitable for production development. Although some are basically in line with the actual production, when formulating and implementing these systems, they did not fully mobilize and rely on the masses of workers, so they were not accepted by the masses. For example, the technical measurement and inspection system, "the stopwatch ticks, the heart beats one hundred", is a system that workers hate. During the Cultural Revolution, the vast majority of workers rose up to attack unreasonable rules and regulations. In the process of struggle, criticism, and reform, on the basis of criticizing the revisionist line and summarizing experience, and relying on the masses to formulate reasonable rules and regulations, and continue to improve them with the development of production. The workers believe that the technical measurement system is still necessary. After discussion, the deduction of points and awards was cancelled, and a new technical measurement system was established. Everyone helped and learned from each other, tested and inspected each other, and the requirements for product quality and operation technology were higher than in the past. stricter. Through the reform of unreasonable rules and regulations, the relationship between leaders and the masses, between technicians, managers and workers has been further improved, which has effectively promoted the development of production. The cotton cloth produced by this factory has always enjoyed the honor of "exemption from inspection" in the whole country, and has been praised as "universal cloth" by the printing and dyeing factory.

Before the Cultural Revolution, Shanghai Hujiang Machinery Factory stipulated that apprentices could not operate the machine tools used by their masters. The master asked for leave, and would rather stop the machine than allow others to use it. If the equipment fails, it is obvious that the operator can eliminate it, but it has to wait for the maintenance worker to repair it. Workers violated the system, ranging from writing inspections to taking back their operating certificates. During the Cultural Revolution, the workers criticized the revisionist line of running enterprises, exposed the serious harm of over-divided labor, and carried out mass activities of "one specialization with multiple abilities", which went far beyond the scope stipulated by the post responsibility system. Among the more than 800 workers in the whole factory, 55% of the workers have mastered the skills of two or three other types of work in addition to mastering the skills of this type of work. The operator will operate and maintain the equipment.

In the Soviet Union, the heads of agencies and factories could find any excuse to dismiss workers. According to Su Xiu Newspaper. The director of the Second Nonferrous Metals Bureau of the Republic of Armenia, Kropiyan, dismissed his staff for various reasons, including: "unfriendly eyes", "not his family's in-law", "grandson needs this position", etc. . There were 62 quorum personnel in the bureau, and only 15 months after Kropiyan was on the throne, 79 people were recruited and fired successively. Regarding this relationship, a manager of the Construction Trust of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Soviet Union had a wonderful confession: "The trust is my home, and I am the master. I can do what I want." This is the essence of the relationship of "comrade, friend and brother "; she said: "Here we were ruled by capitalists and rich peasants in the past, but now we are ruled by new capitalists and new rich peasants."

The Soviet revisionist press revealed that in the "collective farms" in the Soviet Union, the farm workers had to abide by various so-called "discipline" and "rules and regulations", and if they were disobedient, they would be charged with various "crimes". ”, subject to reassignment, reduced income, dismissal and dismissal. The chairman of the "Road to Communism" collective farm in the Pestrezi district of Tatar region issued more than 100 various punishment orders within a year, and one out of every four collective farmers was punished. The chairman of the Belgorod "Frunze" collective farm confessed that he "played the role of a whip"; "whoever criticizes the farm chairman runs the risk of not having firewood for the winter and hay for the cows". Within the "collective farms", the relationship between the head of the farm and the members of the farm is exactly the same as that of domination and ruled, enslaved and enslaved in a capitalist economy.

In Soviet revisionist writer I. Dvoretsky's play "Outlander", the protagonist, a Soviet revisionist party member, and an engineer of a certain enterprise Cheshkov went to the No. 26 foundry of the Neresh company to change the "backward appearance" . He arrogantly roared at the workers: "We are leaders, our hands do nothing, we speak, we work with our brains". He ordered the foreman to monitor the workers: "Keep an eye on them and choke them"; whoever is disobedient will "deduct half the bonus" and "beat them with rubles". As the manager of a large corporation in this play confesses, "the concept of 'outside' should not be interpreted superficially, ... 'outside' is... a change in the original relationship".

In "The Story of the Manager Plonchatov", Plonchatov proposed that "kindness should be combined with fists" based on the argument that the "rule of law" and "discipline" should be used to strengthen "scientific management" advocated by the Soviet revisionist clique. partner" principle. Workers disobey the order, "to cancel the progressive piece rate", and even send you to court, this is "fist"; if you obey well, you will be rewarded with a month's salary, which is "kindness". This kindness is nothing but a cover for the brutal exploitation of workers' surplus value. This kind of management and discipline is nothing but the capitalist management and discipline "maintained by starvation" as exposed by Lenin.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a powerful driving force for the development of our social productive forces. Through the Cultural Revolution, my country's industrial and agricultural production took on a new leap forward. In 1970, the third five-year plan for the development of the national economy started in 1966 was successfully completed. Compared with 1965 in 1970, the total industrial output value increased by 73.7%, and the total agricultural output value increased by 21.4%.

The history of the "three ups and two downs" of the Shanghai Tool Factory shows from both positive and negative aspects that only by grasping the revolution can production be promoted. This factory was originally a textile machinery parts repair factory opened by bureaucratic capital. After liberation, when the state took over, there were only more than 20 workers and more than 20 pieces of dilapidated equipment. After reorganization and expansion in 1950, it was specially responsible for the task of mass production of common tools required by the machinery industry. The workers who were liberated from the enslavement of bureaucratic capital , with a strong sense of turning over, worked as masters of the house. The labor productivity in 1954 increased by seven and a half times compared with 1950, and they developed a self-reliant production of knives and tools. The way, set off the first production climax in the history of this factory. However, just at this time, a crooked trend of Liu Shaoqi's revisionist line was blowing, and the so-called "one-chief system" with strict hierarchy, "material stimulation", and "control, card and pressure" were promoted. Formalized management system”. As a result, the enterprise was dead and the socialist enthusiasm of the workers was suppressed. The labor productivity in 1956 was 30% lower than that in 1953, which was the first low ebb of the factory since its liberation. In the revolutionary wave of the Great Leap Forward that began in 1958, the vast majority of workers in this factory responded to Chairman Mao's call to smash the bourgeois ideology of legal rights and the revisionist set of strict rules and regulations, and proposed that "politics should be in command, not banknotes." loud slogan. As a result, technological innovations continued to emerge and production rose sharply. In 1960, production increased sevenfold over 1957, setting off another production climax for the plant. However, by 1961, there was another unhealthy trend of promoting Liu Shaoqi's revisionist line. Under the influence of this unhealthy trend, apart from the fact that the piece-rate wage system was not restored due to strong opposition from the masses, various revisionist rules and regulations were restored. Seventy-two rules and regulations alone were written, with a total of more than 3,000 articles. . As a result, the total production of the three years from 1962 to 1964 could not reach the level of one year in 1960. The good situation of production was seriously damaged, and a second low ebb occurred. The proletarian culture hit, and the masses of workers rushed out from the suppression of the revisionist line, liberated their spirits once again, and gave full play to their socialist enthusiasm and creativity. In 1970, the factory achieved the combat goal of "10,000 knives per person". The year's total production nearly tripled compared to 1965, and the variety more than doubled, setting off a third production boom.

It is an objective fact that socialist production has a higher rate of development than capitalist production. In the short 24 years from 1949 to 1973, China's total agricultural output value increased by 1.8 times, the output value of light industry increased by 12.8 times, and the output value of heavy industry increased by 59 times.

It took only 22 years for my country's annual steel production to increase from 158,000 tons (1949) to 21 million tons (1971). It took the United States 33 years to complete this growth process, the United Kingdom 86 years, Germany 46 years, and Japan 50 years.

Taking the United States, the number one capitalist country with rapid production development as an example, its industrial production increased by about 3.9 times during the nearly thirty years from 1871 to 1900, but during the period from 1901 to 1929, its industrial production increased by about 3.9 times. It increased only by a factor of 2.7; between 1930 and 1959, it increased by a factor of only 1.7. In the ten years from 1964 to 1974, the US industry increased by 53%, the Soviet industry increased by 1.2 times, the Japanese industry increased by 1.6 times, and the West German industry increased by 60%, while my country's industry increased by 1.9 times during this period. In a certain period of time, the industrial production of individual capitalist countries also developed rapidly, but these were short-lived and could not last During the period from 1951 to 1970, Japan's industrial production grew at an average annual rate of 14.1%, which was mainly the result of its great wealth and strong support for Japanese monopoly capital during the U.S. imperialist invasion of Korea and Vietnam. During the war of aggression against Korea from 1950 to 1953, the US imperialists paid at least US$3 billion for "special needs" orders to Japan. During the war of aggression against Vietnam, U.S. imperialist payments to Japan for "special needs" further increased, reaching more than $2 billion a year. The U.S. imperialists also provided a lot of loans to Japanese monopoly capital, made direct investment in the Japanese heavy industry sector, and exported a large number of technology patents to Japan, and so on. In addition, Japanese monopoly capital brutally exploited the working people at home, and received a large amount of subsidies from the state budget funds, which also played a certain role in stimulating the rapid development of Japanese industry. The low value of the yen (Japan's currency) to the outside world has helped Japanese goods compete for markets around the world, and it has also played a significant role in stimulating the development of domestic industries. But as we all know, these factors driving the development of Japanese industry are unreliable and unsustainable. Since the fourth quarter of 1973, Japan, together with the United States, Britain, West Germany and other countries, has fallen into the capitalist world economic crisis. This crisis has lasted for more than two years and has not yet recovered. If we look at the problem not from individual countries, from individual periods, but from the capitalist world as a whole, from a longer period of time, then the increasingly slow development of capitalist production is still most clearly visible..

At the 24th Fourth Congress, Su Xiu put forward a so-called "grand program for improving people's welfare", and formulated the ninth five-year (1971-1975) plan for this purpose. The Soviet revisionist announced that during the "Ninth Five-Year Plan" period, "major structural changes" will be made to the national economy, to ensure that the growth rate of the consumer goods industry exceeds that of the means of production industry. Five years have passed, what is the result? A series of major indicators of the entire "Ninth Five-Year Plan" have not been completed and declared bankruptcy, and the proportional relationship has become more imbalanced due to monopolistic competition. Not only did the production of consumer goods fail to exceed the growth rate of the means of production as predicted by the "Ninth Five-Year Plan", on the contrary, the gap widened due to the intensification of arms expansion and preparations for war. The so-called "major structural changes" to the national economy have come to nothing, and the "grand program to improve the welfare of the people" is nothing but a hoax. All it brought to the Soviet people was a pancake that could not satisfy their hunger.

Take the early edamame beans and early tomatoes sown in the spring of 1974 in the suburbs of Shanghai , and the vegetables and spinach sown in autumn as examples: after deducting the production cost per mu, the net income of early edamame beans is 77.1 yuan, and the early tomatoes are 100 yuan. 93.7 yuan; the net income of Qiu Qingcai is 36.7 yuan, while the autumn spinach is 148.5 yuan. In order to make more money, some production teams did not follow the national plan, but planted at a price, and cut down the sown area of early edamame and autumn greens by a large margin, while greatly increasing the planting area of early tomatoes and autumn spinach. This change in the structure of vegetable varieties, which is not regulated by the law of planning but regulated by the law of value, will inevitably affect the market supply.

The fact that vegetable planting is regulated by the law of value can be changed. In fact, some advanced cooperatives and teams have always adhered to the principle of "planning first, price second" and planting vegetables in accordance with national plans. The vegetable fields of Yangjing Commune in Chuanxi County, Shanghai account for 61% of the total farmland area. In the past, they also had the law of value regulating vegetable production. However, after the Cultural Revolution, the commune party committee's consciousness of line struggle has been greatly improved. In vegetable cultivation, they: (1) Constantly criticize the spontaneous tendency of capitalism, correct Deal with the contradiction between "line" and "money": (2) Correctly handle the contradiction between production seasonality and market balance, and ensure that urban people often have vegetables to buy; (3) Plant according to residents' needs, and focus on vegetable production and supply. A new level; (4) Handle the relationship between vegetable growers and vegetable sellers, and serve vegetable eaters together. As a result, in 1975, compared with 1966, the vegetable yield per unit increased by 21%, and the average output value per mu increased by 52%. In this way, the planting plan issued by the state has been well completed, the needs of the society have been met, and the income of the members has been increased. Under the condition of public ownership, as long as there is the guidance of the correct line, the harm caused by the law of value can be limited.

The Dazhai Brigade of Xiyang County, Shanxi Province, in the process of marching towards agricultural mechanization, after years of hard work, by 1975, the whole brigade had more than 80 agricultural machinery. , which is equivalent to doubling and a half the labor force of the entire brigade.

The realization of agricultural mechanization and the use of machines in farming, sowing, harvesting, and transportation can double, ten, or even hundreds of times increase the productivity of agricultural labor, free farmers from heavy manual labor, and save a lot of labor.

The predecessor of the Xipu Brigade in Zunhua County, Hebei Province was a cooperative led by Wang Guofan, who was famous throughout the country in the cooperative movement. When the cooperative was established, the poor and lower-middle peasants carried forward the spirit of "poor stick" and overcame the difficulty of severely lacking production materials in the early stage of the cooperative. After establishing cooperatives and people's communes, they continued to carry forward the "poor stick" spirit and started agricultural mechanization. During the three years from 1971 to 1973, the brigade purchased more than 170 sets (pieces) of various agricultural machinery with the funds accumulated by itself. The pace of agricultural mechanization has been increased, and the ability to resist disasters has become stronger, and agricultural production has achieved stable and high yields year after year. In 1970, the yield per mu of grain exceeded the "Yangtze River", and in 1974 the yield per mu reached 1,350 catties.

Since 1956, Shanghai County in Shanghai has focused on the mechanization of irrigation and drainage for eight years; after another three years, the mechanization of threshing, agricultural and sideline products processing and feed processing has basically been realized; after another four years, the main focus is on mechanization of cultivated land. , so that the area of machine farming reached 80%, and then it took another three years to basically realize the mechanization of paddy field operations. By the end of 1974, the county had more than 2,000 mixed tractors, one for every 190 mu of land on average; 98.3% of the county's land was irrigated by electromechanical systems. Plant protection, rice and wheat threshing, agricultural and sideline products processing, and long-distance water and land transportation have also been mechanized and semi-mechanized; the mechanization of seedling pulling, transplanting, rice cultivation, and harvesting is also rapidly developing. Mechanization has promoted the continuous improvement of agricultural production levels. Since 1970, the county's more than 180,000 mu of grain fields have all achieved the three-cropping system, and the annual per mu grain yield has been revised for two consecutive years since 1973.

Compared with 1965, my country's rural electricity consumption increased by 2.8 times; the amount of chemical fertilizer application increased by nearly 1.9 times; the number of tractors (mixed tractors) increased by 2.2 times, and the number of walking tractors increased 74.8 times, the actual area of machine farming has increased by about 70%; the power irrigation and drainage machinery has also increased by 2.8 times. More than 90% of the counties in the country have agricultural machinery repair factories.

Before the collectivization of agriculture, the competition team was a poor mountainous area with extremely poor production conditions with "seven ditches, eight beams and one slope", "the mountains are high and there are many rocks, and they climb the slopes when they go out. The entire Dazhai Brigade has a total of 83 households with a population of more than 450. However, from 1971 to 1974, they moved 33 hills, large and small, filled in 15 ditches, moved Nearly 700,000 square meters of soil and stones were used, and the original 4,700-odd pieces of land were merged into 2,900 pieces of land, and then transformed into 1,500 pieces of land. Now the Dazhai Brigade has appeared many "small artificial plains", and half of the land can be cultivated by machinery. The people of Dazhai managed the mountains and changed the soil, changed the production conditions, and the production landscape has undergone great changes.

Before liberation, the average grain yield in Dazhai was less than 100 catties per mu, and the maximum total output was 80,000 catties. In 1974, the total output reached 770,000 catties. The income of forestry, animal husbandry and sideline business increased seventy-six times in 1974 compared with 1955 in the early stage of the cooperative development. In the same year, the total revenue of the entire brigade reached more than 194,800 yuan, an increase of more than ten times over 1955. From 1955 to 1958, Dazhai sold an average of 105,000 catties of grain per year; from 1959 to 1970, an average of 245,000 catties a year; from 1971 to 1974, an average of 245,000 catties per year Thirty-three thousand pounds. The latter figure has more than tripled the total grain output before liberation.

Around 1961 , Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping and his group cooperated with the Soviet revisionists to rampantly oppose China. When serious natural disasters occurred in China for three consecutive years, a demonic wind to restore capitalism was blown up. Some people said: "In this difficult time, you can try it alone!" The poor and lower-middle peasants of the Dazhai brigade said: "I have tried for so many lives, and shed a lot of blood and tears, haven't I tried enough?! "At that time, there were people who came to buy Dazhai's forage at a high price, but Dazhai didn't sell it, but only sold it at a fair price.

In 1963, Dazhai was swept away by a catastrophic flood and destroyed and collapsed. The state sent relief funds and materials, but the poor and lower-middle peasants of the Dazhai brigade insisted not to. If they have the idea of reaching out to the country, they will lose the idea of relying on the masses, socialist collective strength, and hard struggle, and the pace of rebuilding Dazhai will be slower. During the socialist education movement in 1964, the work team implemented the "Taoyuan Experience" in Dazhai. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, in order to hide their counter-revolutionary appearance, the Lin Biao anti-Party clique played a two-faced approach. For a period of time, they carried out formalist activities everywhere, but the poor and lower-middle peasants of the Dazhai brigade felt that it was of little use in real life. Hardly don't do it. After the Cultural Revolution, he deeply criticized the counter-revolutionary revisionist line of Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao, and achieved great victories. However, in 1975, Deng Xiaoping, the general representative of the bourgeoisie in the party, trumpeted the "theory of extinction of class struggle" and the "theory of only productive forces". The Party branch of the Dazhai Brigade resolutely resisted this right-leaning trend of overturning the verdict, resolutely led the masses to adhere to the class struggle as the key link, insisted on studying Chairman Mao's writings, and a large number of revisionists and capitalists. At the same time, it also mobilized the masses to comprehensively sum up their experience in the struggle to restrict bourgeois legal rights, educated cadres and the masses to be promoters of restricting bourgeois legal rights, worked hard to eradicate the breeding ground for capitalism and the bourgeoisie, and actively consolidated and developed new socialist things.

Before the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Xiyang County, where the Dazhai Brigade was located, was disturbed and destroyed by Liu Shaoqi's revisionist line, and did not earnestly carry out the mass movement to learn agriculture from Dazhai, and the development of agricultural production was very slow. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the broad masses of poor and lower-middle peasants and revolutionary cadres in Xiyang County deeply criticized Liu Shaoqi's counter-revolutionary revisionist line, vigorously and earnestly launched the Dazhai Agriculture Movement, resisted the interference and destruction of Lin Biao's revisionist line, and the entire county The people fought against each other and rearranged the mountains and rivers. As a result, the land appearance of the county has undergone great changes, and agricultural production has developed rapidly. In 1966, the total grain output of the whole county was more than 80 million pieces. In 1967, Dazhai began to learn. Outline. From 1972 to 1975, there were three consecutive years of severe drought, but still achieved high yields. In 1975, the total grain output reached 230 to 900 million catties, three times the highest annual output before the Cultural Revolution; the commercial grain sold to the country reached 80 million catties, more than ten times the highest sales volume before the Cultural Revolution.

In Jinshan County, Shanghai, before the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, also due to the disturbance of the revisionist line, the progress of agricultural production was not fast. In 1965, the grain yield per mu was only 919 catties, which was more than 10% lower than the average yield per mu of ten counties in the suburbs of Shanghai. In 1970, the county party committee put forward the slogan "Work hard for three to five years, and vow to turn Jinshan into a Dazhai". However, after two years in 1970 and 1971, the production progress was still very small. Where is the problem? They conducted in-depth investigation and research, dissected typical examples, and found that the root cause was that Xue Dacha did not learn the fundamental experience of Dazhai. For example, the root cause of Jin Discovery in the same county is that learning from Dazhai did not learn the fundamental experience of Dazhai. For example, the 82 brigade and the permanent brigade of the Jinwei commune in the county, the village by the village, and Tian Liantian, were originally advanced units that learned from Dazhai, but around 1970, it was different. The 82 Brigade adheres to the party's basic line, pays close attention to class struggle, and earnestly implements the policies of "taking agriculture as the foundation, industry as the leading" and "taking grain as the key link, and developing in an all-round way", working hard, farming scientifically, and learning from Dazhai Step by step, the official grain output in 1971 reached 1,838 catties; however, the permanent brigade loosened the string of class struggle at that time, capitalist tendencies were on the rise, emphasising money over grain, labor outflows, and as a result, collective Root food production is reduced, and the income of members is reduced. After summarizing the above typical experience, the Jinshan County Party Committee strengthened the leadership of the party, adhered to the principle of class struggle, paid attention to educating people with Mao Zedong Thought, grasped the line, and promoted the development of agricultural production. The permanent brigade also caught up. In 1974, the county's grain yield per mu reached 1,554 catties, an increase of 272 catties compared with 1971; The breeding quantity was 790,000 heads (an average of 1.37 heads per mu), which was a big increase compared to 1971. In recent years, each agricultural population has provided the country with 850 catties of commercial grain, 22 catties of lint cotton, 23 catties of edible oil, and 1.06 pigs per year.

From 1950 to 1973, my country's agricultural output value increased by an average of 4.3% per year, and the output value of light industry increased by an average of 11.6% per year. On the basis of the development of agriculture and light industry, the output value of heavy industry increased by an average of 18.6% per year, achieving greater development.

In 1949, my country's agriculture accounted for 70% of the total industrial and agricultural output value, light and heavy industries only accounted for 30%, of which heavy industry accounted for only 7.9%. By 1957, the proportion of light and heavy industry had increased to 56.5%, of which heavy industry had reached 273%. After the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1973, the proportion of light and heavy industry increased to 70.3%, of which the proportion of heavy industry rose to 40%.

The Daqing Oilfield was originally a vast expanse of wilderness. In 1960, when the renegade group of Soviet revisionists broke their promise, tore up the contract, stopped supplying oil to my country, and tried to undermine the cause of socialist construction in my country, tens of thousands of workers who developed oil fields came here full of anger, with the sky above their heads and their feet on the ground. Wasteland, vowed to take this big oil field and smash Su Xiu's vicious conspiracy. At that time, the weather was cold and the ground was freezing, there was no house, no bed, and there were not enough stoves and utensils. Dozens of large drilling rigs were deployed all at once on the grassland, but the equipment was not complete or complete. There were not enough cars and cranes, the roads were muddy, and the water supply and power supply equipment was not enough. Under such difficult conditions, the heroic Daqing workers put forward the battle slogan of "taking the big oil field, mad at the emperor, repairing and rebelling", insisting on the command of proletarian politics, and diligently studying Chairman Mao's "Theory of Practice" and "Theory of Contradiction" , armed with Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, held high the banner of the "Anshan Iron and Steel Constitution", and fought against the sky, the ground, and the class enemy. Daqing workers adhered to Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line, smashed the interference of Liu Shaoqi's revisionist line, insisted on the comprehensive dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and carried forward the revolutionary spirit of self-reliance and hard work. , and built my country's first-class large oil field with high quality, making my country's petroleum products basically self-sufficient in 1963. Daqing workers also conducted a lot of scientific research and solved several major technical problems in the history of world oilfield development. Daqing workers actively carried out the campaign to increase production and save, and by 1963 the net income created was equivalent to the entire investment of the state. The "Iron Man Spirit" nurtured by Mao Zedong Thought has always inspired the Daqing working class to stride forward on the road of self-reliance. Since 1966, Daqing's crude oil production has increased by an average annual rate of 31%. In the movement to criticize Lin and Confucius, Daqing workers criticized Lin Biao and Kong Lao Er's idealistic view of history of "the superior wisdom and inferior ignorance"; in the struggle against the rightist style of overturning the case , the Daqing workers also criticized Deng Xiaoping's "class struggle extinguished" "Theory of Productivity" and "Theory of Productivity", exerted great energy, wisdom and creativity, and the entire oilfield revolution and production showed a steaming good situation. In terms of crude oil production, one Daqing in 1975 has surpassed the five Daqings before the Cultural Revolution.

Kailuan Coal Mine is a century-old mine and a typical unit of industrial science in Daqing. From an old-fashioned perspective, this mine should have been scrapped a long time ago, but the workers of this mine did not think so. They worked hard and explored new ways to further exploit this coal mine, which restored the youth of this century-old mine, and achieved a substantial increase in production year after year since 1968. How can such an old mine as Kailuan continue to develop and make strides? The most fundamental experience is to study Daqing, adhere to the party's basic line, rely on the working class wholeheartedly, and engage in mass movements. In 1974, the majority of cadres and workers in this mine made progress in the campaign to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius. The mining area spanning hundreds of miles presents a vibrant scene. In 1975, the annual output of raw coal doubled from the original design capacity, and one Kailuan became two Kailuan; labor productivity was about 80% higher than the national average; the average monthly output of working faces was twice the national average Raw coal cost is 37% lower than the national average. On July 28, 1976, the Kailuan Coal Mine was damaged by a strong earthquake. Some foreigners say that after Kailuan is over, and the people who have been sent down are over, there will be no more coal. However, the heroic Kailuan coal miners, under the cordial care of Chairman Mao and the party members, and with the support of the military and civilians across the country, fought in solidarity with the revolutionary spirit of fearlessness, not only did the vast majority of the workers escape safely, but also survived the earthquake. After just ten days, coal production began, creating a rare miracle in the history of earthquake resistance.

Since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Shanghai County, Shanghai started to develop communal and brigade industries from the establishment of a three-level agricultural machinery repair network. By 1975, there were 433 communal and brigade industrial enterprises with more than 32,000 employees. In 1974 The total output value is more than 110 million yuan. This figure is equivalent to one-half of the total output value of the county's agriculture, industry, and sideline industries. Accumulated nearly 30 million yuan, more than double the accumulation of the county's production team that year. 92% of the accumulation at the commune level was provided by the commune-run industry; 82% of the accumulation at the brigade level was provided by the team-run industry. As a result, the proportion of the county's commune-level economy in the total income of the third-level collective economy has risen from 17.6% in 1970 to 31.9 % in 1974; 6.3% in 1974 rose to 17.2% in 1974.

Huiguo Town Commune, Gongxian County, Henan Province, due to the development of commune and brigade industries, has strengthened the power of the collective economy, so that the commune can use its own economic strength to support the poor teams to develop agricultural production, help the disaster-stricken teams to carry out production self-education, and enable some poorer teams to develop agricultural production. Production teams are able to catch up with richer production teams faster. In the past few years, the commune alone has spent more than 400,000 yuan on supporting the poor teams.

During the nine years from 1957 to 1965, Shanghai County, Shanghai, basically did not have any industry in the county, and the total investment in agricultural mechanization was only 327,700 yuan, with an average annual investment of 150 yuan per brigade. For about ten yuan, you can only buy six human-powered sprayers. In the four years from 1966 to 1969, when the brigade-run industry just began to emerge, the total investment in agricultural mechanization at the brigade level rose to 2.68 million yuan, with an average annual investment of more than 2,800 yuan per brigade. Buy a little more than a walking tractor. During the five-year period from 1970 to 1974, the industry of the squadron has developed considerably. The total investment in agricultural mechanization at the brigade level is as high as 8,331,500 yuan. The average annual investment of each brigade is 7,000 yuan. Buy three multi-walking tractors.

In Shanghai County, Shanghai, it can be seen that with the development of communal and brigade industry, a rural industrial technical team has grown up. They are both peasants and new workers in the socialist countryside. In 1975, the county had 3,397 tractor operators, 2,328 rice transplanter operators, 3,504 electricians, and 162 ship drivers. One hundred and sixty-eight people, 3,030 construction workers of various kinds, a total of 12,562 people above, and a total of 40,000 people including 32,745 people in the communes and factories There are 5,307 people, accounting for 17.4% of the county's rural labor force, and almost one in six labor force has a rural worker with industrial skills.

Those who are familiar with the glass bottle industry will naturally think of the "three treasures" of bottlemakers in the past: the first is an iron rod. One end reached into the red furnace, the other twisted back and forth in the hands of the workers. Each worker has to pick materials six or seven thousand times a day. Many workers have sprained their wrists and have to undergo surgery. The second item is a towel. Workers soaked it in cold water and wrapped it around their foreheads to resist the heat in front of the furnace. The third is a pair of three-inch-thick wooden slippers, which I wear to prevent the heat from burning my feet. But today, when we walked into the bottle-making workshop of Shanghai Glass Bottle No. 10 Factory, we saw a different scene: several kinds of glass raw materials were automatically mixed by electronic scales and a set of control mechanisms and sent to the feeding machine; The liquid level controller automatically controls the feeding machine according to the height of the glass solution surface in the furnace, so that the raw materials are evenly fed into the furnace; After it is done, it is grabbed by the manipulator on the conveyor belt and sent to the annealing furnace. All this is controlled by an electronic computer. In the simple machine room built by the workers themselves, all kinds of indicator lights are flashing, and the industrial TV screen is showing the operation status of the machine. Since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the factory has undergone four relatively large technological innovations, from manual operation to semi-mechanization, from semi-mechanization to mechanization, and from mechanization to electronics. The worker comrade said happily: "In the past, bottle-making was: nodding the head and shaking the whole body by hand, ten fingers were scalded with foam, and the bottle had to be run on two legs. The labor intensity was really high; The bottles run around the machine, and the production leaps and makes people laugh." The annual output of the factory was 1,358 tons in 1966, and reached 3,110 tons in 1974; The semi-mechanization was realized in 2008, and each machine was reduced to four and a half people. Now it is electronic, and one person can manage two bottle-making machines.

Before the liberation of the Shanghai glove industry, what was left was a mess of "three olds and one miscellaneous", that is, old factories, old equipment, old products, and miscellaneous machine models. The technical conditions of the entire industry are very poor, and all operations are done by hand. Workers need to shake hands, jump with their feet, count their mouths, and remember them. The labor intensity is high and the production efficiency is low. One worker produces four or five dozen gloves a day and needs to shake 30,000. Many times, over many years, workers have "shoulders with heights and arms with thicknesses". Since the Great Leap Forward in 1958, especially since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the vast number of workers in the glove industry have carried forward the revolutionary spirit of daring to think and act, and have successively innovated the hand-cranked glove machine into electric, semi-automatic, automatic, and fully automatic glove machines, with great labor intensity. Labor productivity increased by more than twenty times, the total number of people in the industry was reduced by two-thirds, and the total output increased by four times. On this basis, they continued to advance to the depth and breadth of technological innovation, and successfully trial-produced an electronic digital program-controlled glove machine, whose output was 12.6 times higher than that of the semi-automatic glove machine. After the group control glove machine was put into production, the stand rate increased nine times, the shift output per person increased ten times, and the labor of the shift workers could be saved by 90%. All of this is just as the worker comrades said: "Innovation has no peak, and the potential is endless. With great efforts and skillful efforts, the face is changing day by day."

Take Shanghai sweater industry as an example. Before the Cultural Revolution, under the interference of the revisionist line, in order to pursue "decent" and "regular", a small number of people closed their doors and started automation. In 1973, two young electricians from a sweater factory, proceeding from the actual needs of production, started the local method and only spent 72 yuan to create a "photoelectric control box" to automate the four operations. . Workers are very welcome because of the low cost and quick results. In half a year, it was rapidly promoted on 1,500 looms in the industry, increasing production efficiency by more than 15%. Since 1974, this easy-to-use program control has been gradually popularized and used in 20 industries such as steel rolling, forging, gold chip cutting, and rubber in the city.

Since the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the industrial sector of Changzhou City, Jiangsu Province has widely mobilized the masses, conscientiously summed up experience, not newly adjusted the parts of production relations that are not suitable for the development of productive forces, constantly reformed the aspects of the superstructure that are not suitable for the economic foundation, and established and developed walking tractors. Eight production cooperation lines, including corduroy, khaki, printed cloth , chemical fiber, transistor radio, glass fiber reinforced plastic products, and plastic products, have changed the "small and complete" process of the factory in the past, with scattered power and insufficient capacity. The situation of Changzhou has made great changes in the industrial landscape of Changzhou:

From 1966 to 1973, the total industrial output value increased by an average of more than 15% every year; during these eight years, the accumulation provided to the country was equivalent to five times the total output value of the city's original industrial fixed assets, equivalent to ten times the total national investment during the same period. doubled.

The construction of the Shanghai Petrochemical Plant is a triumph of the great socialist collaboration. This is the largest construction project in Shanghai since liberation. With the joint battle of 23 bureaus, 23 design units, hundreds of thousands of people, and strong cooperation and support from all over the country, the construction started on January 1, 1974. Since the first foundation pile was laid, it took only one year and nine months to build six production plants, four auxiliary plants, as well as the offshore oil unloading wharf, sewage discharge tunnel, Jinshan Railway Branch Line, Huangpu River Bridge, living quarters, businesses, schools, hospitals, etc., have mythically risen from the sea of the old tide, and the muddy beach has risen from the tide, and made the first set of eighteen installations. Device ignition production.

The industrial technological transformation of Shanghai's textile industry is another example of the superiority of socialist cooperation. Since the liberation, especially since the Cultural Revolution, under the auspices of relevant leading departments, the technical force of the whole industry has been used intensively to solve one or two weak links every year. In 1970, the city's spinning frames were renovated, increasing the cotton yarn yield per spindle from 35kg to 43kg. In 1971, a "people's war" was fought to develop synthetic fibers, which doubled the production capacity of synthetic fibers. In 1972, a battle to manufacture broad-width looms took place, resulting in an increase of 1.6% of the city's high-efficiency broad-width looms. In 1973 and 1974, the development of polyester was concentrated. In 1974, the output of polyester printing and dyeing fabrics increased by 42 times compared with 1965. Due to socialist cooperation and concentrated efforts to fight the war of annihilation in the technological transformation of the industry, the Liberation 26 textile industry system basically did not build new factories, and according to the national requirements, more than 80 factories were relocated and converted, and the number of spindles was reduced by 25. %, the cloth machine decreased by 18%, the number of employees decreased by 12%, but the output value increased by nearly four times compared with 1949, and the funds accumulated for the country were equivalent to 62 times the state's investment in the capital construction of Shanghai's textile industry.

In 1970, the Shanghai newspaper published the "Comparative Investigation Report between No. 1 Water Pump Factory and Shanghai Water Pump Factory", which compared the situation of Shanghai No. Small, poor conditions, mobilized the masses, and made the production steaming, a comparison was made. The publication of the investigation report aroused great repercussions in Shanghai Pump Factory. The broad masses of cadres and workers could no longer sit still. With a strong desire to quickly change the backward appearance, they exposed contradictions and found gaps, and put forward more than 300 suggestions for improvement at once. The leading cadres of the factory also corrected their line, improved their style of work, went deep into the masses, and mobilized the masses. With the efforts of the whole factory cadres and the masses, the backward appearance has been quickly changed. In the four years from 1970 to 1974, the production of this factory has made continuous leaps, and the annual output value has increased by about 20% every year. Now the annual output is equal to two and a half times that of four years ago, and the variety has also doubled and one half. New products with high pressure, large flow and long lift that could not be produced in the past have now been put into production in batches.

There is a Minamata town in southern Kyushu, Japan, where a monopoly capital Nippon Nippon Fertilizer Company specializes in the production of vinyl chloride and vinyl acetate. In order to reduce costs and obtain higher profits, capitalists have adopted mercury catalyst processes since 1950, regardless of the health and lives of workers and residents. As a result, a large amount of poisonous water and waste residues containing methylmercury were discharged into Minamata Bay, causing serious pollution of seawater and poisoning of a large number of fish. The residents of Minamata ate this type of fish, and at first they suffered from slurred speech, unsteady gait, facial dementia, then deafness and blindness, numbness all over the body, and finally insanity, bending of the body, and howling to death. Among the 50,000 residents of Minamata Town, there are more than 10,000 people suffering from this disease, so it is commonly called "Minamata disease". After investigation, after finding out the source of the disease, the capitalists did everything possible to keep the investigation results secret, and colluded with the authorities, refusing to change the process, resulting in the spread of "Minamata disease" all over Japan.

The 32-ton mine self-unloading heavy-duty truck produced by Shanghai Truck Factory is an urgently needed transportation vehicle in the mining area. In the past, under the sabotage of Liu Shaoqi's revisionist line, foreign capitalists and Soviet revisionist social-imperialists bullied our country's inability to produce, and thwarted us by refusing to supply spare parts. For a period of time, many imported cars in the mining area became scrap iron due to the lack of spare parts supply and could not move. The employees of Shanghai Truck Factory, self-reliant and hard-working, built their own "competitive car" in 1969 to support mining production. After the 32-ton truck was officially put into production, the output increased year by year, but the increase in spare parts was very small. There is a 886 mine, because the domestic heavy-duty vehicle parts cannot be supplied, and some vehicles have to sleep. They said: "With the domestic 'competitive car', we support our 'big battle in the mines', which has severely attacked the emperor, the repairer and the rebel. Now the supply of spare parts is low, but it has hindered our mining production." The employees of the truck factory visited the mining area and saw the situation with their own eyes. They were shocked. They investigated the production of spare parts in the factory and found that there was indeed a phenomenon of "reforming machines and light parts". Why "reform machine, light accessories"? It turned out to be caused by the "first in output value" of the virus. Because the same complete set of spare parts for a thirty-two truck, if it is assembled into a complete vehicle (including the output value of the cooperative parts manufactured by the brother factory), the output value will be more than ten times larger than that calculated by one piece of spare parts. Therefore, when some comrades proposed to send all the spare parts of the 20 complete vehicles to be assembled in the workshop to support the mining area, they encountered resistance. After the two opinions have been debated, everyone believes that putting value accounting in the first place and unilaterally pursuing output value and disregarding the needs of national construction is a manifestation of capitalist economic accounting and must be criticized. Socialist economic accounting must first ensure the needs of the country and the people in terms of use value. The spare parts of 20 vehicles are sent to the mining area to repair old vehicles, and the use value that can be exerted is not only 20, but hundreds; and in terms of value, hundreds of heavy-duty vehicles can be used. When it is activated, the increased output value of the mining area, as well as the increased output value of the steel mill as a result of obtaining more ore raw materials, will be many times higher than the reduced output value of a single truck factory. The workers of the truck factory unified their thoughts and happily sent the spare parts of 20 vehicles to the mining area. At the same time, the production of spare parts for various trucks in 1975 was rearranged, increasing by 40% over the previous year. At the end of the year, the total output value of the plant did not decrease as a result, on the contrary, it increased by 30% compared to the previous year.

The Qingjiang Rubber Shoe Factory in Qingjiang City, Jiangsu Province was originally a small alley factory producing "Jiefang shoes". Later, the superiors asked the factory to produce all rubber shoes based on the production of "Jiefang shoes" to supply urban and rural markets. What kind of rubber shoes are produced? Some people believe that the area of the rural areas in northern Jiangsu is increasing, and it is necessary to produce cheap and high-quality non-slip boots that are urgently needed by the lower-middle peasants. Some people also think that the process of anti-skid boots is complicated and the output value is low. A cadre also went out to process a batch of aluminum lasts of this general rubber shoe, and suggested that this variety be produced immediately. Through investigation and research, they learned that there are currently many factories producing general rubber shoes with high output value, and the product supply is sufficient. However, there is an urgent need for anti-skid boots in rural areas, and some people in the factory are reluctant to produce. This is not a mercenary style of capitalist management. Is there something wrong in your head? Socialist enterprises cannot only care about output value and profits, and ignore the needs of the people! As a result, the entire factory staff made the decision to produce anti-skid boots. After the anti-skid boots were put into production, they were welcomed by the poor and lower-middle peasants and sold very well. Commercial departments in various places continued to demand more orders. Under the promotion of various aspects, this factory not only meets the needs of the poor and lower-middle peasants in terms of use value, but also fulfills various value indicators well.

Shanghai special-shaped steel pipe factory is a typical example of correctly handling the economic accounting system relationship between socialist enterprises. Every time they receive a production task, whatever is urgently needed by the brother unit, even if the output value is low, they must do everything possible to complete it. The workers said it well: this is a "subtraction" from the perspective of the factory, but from the perspective of the user, they can start production or expand production in time when they have the necessary steel pipes, which becomes an "addition"; From the perspective of the scope of the national economy, the pace of socialist construction can be accelerated, which has become a "multiplication". The workers of Shanghai Special-shaped Steel Pipe Factory have been like this for more than ten years. They regard the difficulties of their fraternal units as their own difficulties, regard the needs of the country as the direction of their own production development, and always keep in mind the purpose of socialist production. In the eight years from 1966 to 1973, the varieties and specifications of pipes produced by this factory increased by nearly four times compared with the eight years before the Cultural Revolution (1958-1965), among which the special-shaped pipes increased by nearly ten times. It has contributed to national construction and supported the production and development of fraternal units.

The Soviet revisionist "Communist" magazine confessed in 1970: "Certain enterprises try to . The way to increase profits." Su Xiu's "Economic News" confessed: Saratov Enamel Products Factory originally planned to produce 147,000 pots with a volume of 1.5 to 5.5 liters in 1970. Due to the low profit of this product, only 47,200 were produced. But at the same time, in order to get the bonus, he doubled the cauldron production plan with less labor. As a result, there is a backlog of large-scale enamel products, but the common people cannot buy the necessary small-scale enamel products.

On May 23, 1970, the Soviet revisionist "Socialist Industry News" revealed that many furniture factories unfoundedly raised wholesale and retail prices in many cases and sold products at arbitrarily set prices. Thirty-six furniture factories belonging to the Ministry of Forestry and Woodworking Industries earned an additional profit of almost five million rubles in 1969 due to arbitrary price hikes. In May 1969, the Soviet revisionist "Economic News" confessed: "An effective temporary wholesale price as usual can guarantee an unreasonably high profit level". The Shymkent Electric Factory once produced a product at an effective temporary wholesale price, and the profit margin was seven times higher than the profit margin of the factory's entire product. It is for this reason that many companies have long listed a large number of products as "temporary price" products that can capture excess profits. "Economic News" admitted that only in the General Administration of Cable Industry of the Ministry of Electrical Equipment Industry of the Soviet Union, there are as many as 500 kinds of so-called "temporary price" products.

Today's Soviet Union has implemented capitalist commercialization in the circulation of means of production. As early as 1955, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR cancelled the regulations adopted in 1951 on the prohibition of the sale and exchange of unused equipment and materials. In 1957, the direct sales and purchase system of production and sales units was implemented, and some important production materials, such as automobiles, tractors, electrical equipment, etc., were freely sold, and the planned allocation and distribution system was cancelled. In 1965, it was stipulated that enterprises could freely buy and sell "excess" means of production, and could rent out "temporarily unused" plant and equipment. As for the countryside, in 1968 the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union adopted the "Principles of Land Legislation", which stipulated that collective farms had the right to transfer or disguised leased "state-owned" land. The new model collective farm regulations promulgated by the Soviet Union in 1969 stipulated that the chairman of the farm has the right to freely buy and sell agricultural machinery and other means of production. As the Soviet revisionists successively lifted various restrictions on the field of commodity circulation and expanded the scope of commodity trading without compliance, one-third of the means of production was brought into the wholesale business track, and two-thirds of the supply and demand enterprises were free to buy and sell.

The circulation channels of consumer materials have also degenerated into capitalist circulation channels. The capitalist operating principle with the aim of chasing profit rules the field of circulation. The state-run stores of the Brezhnev brand charged consumers with high prices, deducted weights for shoddy goods, cheated, and extended working hours to commercial workers, intensified labor intensity, and squeezed more surplus labor. In addition to state-run stores, there are three free markets in the Soviet Union for buying and selling consumer goods, namely the collective farm market, the high-priced commercial consumer cooperatives and the free market for industrial consumer goods. Seventy percent of the collective farm markets in the Soviet Union were located in cities, where market prices differed in the morning and in the evening, and were filled with all kinds of speculation. The high-priced business of consumer cooperatives also deals in agricultural and sideline products. It implements the mode of operation of high-priced purchases and high-priced sales, and also operates agency sales, which is not much different from the collective farm market. Many cooperative high-priced businesses are located in collective farm markets. Most of the goods sold in the free market for industrial consumer goods are obtained by corruption, theft, backdoors, arbitrage and privileges from "in-house stores", or from foreign tourists and seafarers for resale, and most of the goods sold here are in state-run stores The prices of items that have been out of stock for a long time or simply cannot be bought are generally two or three times higher than that of state-run stores. Many of the sellers of the free market for manufactured goods are speculators who travel thousands of miles back and forth. Like the collective farm market, the free market for manufactured goods is a speculator's playground.

According to a typical survey of several primary rural markets in Anhui, Guangxi, Sichuan, and Shaanxi before liberation, the change in the exchange rate of industrial and agricultural products was 100 in 1936, and expanded to 165.11 in 1948. In the primary market in Ankang, Shaanxi, 39.7 feet of white cloth could be exchanged for every 100 catties of rice in 1936, but only 10.02 feet of white cloth in 1946.

According to statistics, as early as 1958, the scissors difference in the price of industrial and agricultural products was reduced by 25.4% compared with 1951. Twenty-two years from 1952 to 1973. The national purchase price of agricultural and sideline products increased by 67%, the sales price of agricultural production materials decreased by 48%, and the price of industrial products supplied to the countryside decreased by 0.7%. With the same amount of agricultural products, exchangeable industrial goods increased by more than 66%.

Brezhnev said at the December 1973 Plenum of the Central Committee of Soviet revisionism: "Put every rouble in time to the place where tomorrow we can get back two, three, or even ten roubles." He called this practice "the art of making money" and said that "all of us, from central to local, should learn this complex art of making money." When talking about the effect of promoting the "art of making money", the Su Xiu Renegade Group even said proudly: "We must give material encouragement without hesitation—this fund will be compensated a hundredfold." Scholars, politicians and others also wrote books one after another, and made great use of Brezhnev's "art of making money". For example, an economics "doctor" named A. Bierman published an article entitled "The Economist's Conscience" in Komsomolskaya Pravda on August 7, 1975, proposing a The formula of "ruble-conscience" advocates starting from "conscience" and striving for big rubles, saying that "wage is the proper document to test the quality of one's work", "the more rubles one earns, the more rubles one earns. , the greater his honor." According to Bierman's teachings, the ruble is profit, honor is fame, and conscience drives people to strive for fame and fortune. This is the essence of the economics of "ruble and conscience".

In old China, the Kuomintang reactionaries implemented a hyperinflation policy in order to make up for the huge military expenditures of the counter-revolutionary war. During the 12 years of inflation from 1937 to 1949, the circulation of counterfeit fiat currency increased by more than 140 billion times, and the price of goods rose by more than 850 billion times during the same period, reaching a scale rarely seen in the world. Someone once made a visual analysis of the devaluation of counterfeit fiat currency: the purchasing power of one hundred yuan of counterfeit fiat currency was worth two scalpers in 1937, one scalper in 1938, one pig in 1939, and one bag of flour in 1941. , 1 chicken in 1943, 2 eggs in 1945, 1/6 block of solid soap in 1946, 1 briquettes in 1947, 0.002 rice on 19 August 1948, 416 taels (16 taels) ), valued at 0.000,000,00,185 taels in May 1949 (ie 2.45 millionths of a grain of rice). From two cattle to 2.45/10 million of a grain of rice, how much bitterness and blood and tears of the people are contained in the middle!

For more than 30 years after the war, while the capitalist countries in the West were clamoring for inflation and soaring prices at home, there was a continuous wave of selling dollars and rushing to buy gold in the financial market . . After the United States announced a 7.89% depreciation of the dollar at the end of 1971, it announced a 10% depreciation again in February 1973. In the international market, the actual depreciation of the US dollar has far exceeded the official US figures. In 1974, the official gold price in the United States was $42.22 per ounce, while the price of gold in the London free market was as high as $195.25 per ounce, a difference of nearly five times. The status of the "Gold and Yuan Empire" plummeted, the dollar-centered capitalist monetary system collapsed, and the international monetary and financial system of the capitalist world fell into great turmoil and chaos.

In Soviet revisionist social-imperialism, the ruble also depreciated substantially. According to the comprehensive calculation of the prices of more than 60 kinds of consumer goods in the Soviet Union, the prices in 1973 were about 30% higher than those in 1960. Prices of goods in the free market rose even more, with retail food prices in the free market 62 percent higher than state-run prices in 1972. The foreign value of the Soviet ruble was 55% lower than when it was converted to new rubles in 1961.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, some utopian socialists began to propose ideas like distribution according to work. Saint-Simon of France (1760-1825) said that in the future society, each person's status and income should be proportional to his ability; therefore, the students of Saint-Simon put forward the idea of "remuneration based on ability and determination based on work efficiency". competence" principle. Fourier (1772-1837), another French utopian socialist who was contemporary with Saint-Simon, in his vision of the basic unit of the future society, the "franc ji", is also partly distributed according to labor. Both Saint-Simon and Fourier took their initial distribution according to work as the most ideal distribution principle. However, in the ideal society they envisioned, private ownership of the means of production is still preserved. The Holy Gateists count the capitalists as laborers, and take the profits made by the capitalists as the labor remuneration for the capitalists to operate and manage enterprises; while Fourier advocates that in addition to part of the products distributed according to labor, the other part should also be distributed according to share capital ( Fourier envisaged that five-twelfths of the total income of the franc would be distributed by labor, four-twelfth by share capital, and three-twelfth by knowledge).

Marx and Engels sharply criticized the utopian socialists for taking this "distribution according to work" as the most ideal distribution principle, which does not affect the capitalist system. In "The German Ideology" written by Marx and Engels from 1845 to 1846, they criticized the "remuneration according to ability" formula of the Saint-Simonians, pointing out: " '''The most important aspect of communism is different from that of all reactionary socialism. One of the principles" is that "differences in the minds and intellects of men should not at all give rise to differences in the needs of the stomach and the body; it follows that the incorrect principle of 'reward for ability', which is based on our present system, should— -because this principle is only in the narrow sense of consumption -it becomes a principle of 'distribution according to need', in other words: differences in activity and labor do not give rise to any inequalities in appropriation and consumption, any Privileges. '''" The German Ideology. The Complete Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 3, pp. 637-638.Here Marx and Engels not only criticized the reactionary nature of the so-called "remuneration according to ability" that the utopian socialists did not touch the basis of capitalism, but also pointed out that the distribution principle of "remuneration according to ability" itself still reflected the It is bourgeois right, and scientifically foresees that in a communist society, the distribution of personal consumer goods will implement the principle of "distribution according to needs", but there is no mention of the need for a transition from "distribution according to work" to "distribution according to needs". "Transition. In 1867, in the first volume of Capital, Marx proposed for the first time that after the overthrow of the capitalist system, on the basis of the public possession of the means of production, labor time " '''is a measure of the share of the individual producers in the common labor. In 1875, in the Critique of '''the Marx: Capital, Vol. 1. The Complete Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 23, p. 96.Gotha Program, Marx explicitly proposed the idea of two stages of communist social development for the first time. At the same time, he once again pointed out that the principle of distribution according to work must be implemented in the distribution of consumer goods in the first stage of the communist society, and he made an incisive and dialectical analysis of distribution according to work. Rights are "still confined within a bourgeois frame", which is undoubtedly a "disadvantage". On the other hand, it is pointed out that " '''these evils, in the first stage of communist society", "are unavoidable '''" Marx: Critique of the Gotha Program. "Selected Works of Marx and Engels", Volume 3, People's Publishing House, 1972 edition, pp. 11-12.. Later, Engels and Lenin both made further in-depth expositions on distribution according to work.

The eight-grade wage system is a wage grade system implemented among production workers. It sets wages into eight grades according to the complexity and proficiency of various production labors, but different types of work have different top grades due to different labor complexity. For example, the highest level of skilled trades such as lathes and fitters can be up to level 8, while porters and other common types of work can only be up to level 3 or level 4. The eight-level wage system emphasizes the encouraging role of wage gaps in mobilizing labor enthusiasm. The higher the rank, the larger the difference, and the more salary increases for each rank.

In this way, there is a relatively large gap in wage income between complex labor and simple labor, and between skilled labor and unskilled labor. Implemented in the Northeast region. After 1952, it was gradually extended to the whole country. Over the past two decades, some adjustments and restrictions have been made to such a wage system, but it is still used by some workers today.

In the early days of the establishment of the Soviet regime, Lenin once advocated the implementation of a bonus system (or a reward system in kind) within a certain period of time. He said in the "Draft Programme of the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik)" in 1919: " '''In a certain period of time, experts should still be paid higher wages, so that they will work not worse but better than before, and for the same purpose, it is impossible to Abolish the bonus system that encourages excellent work, especially organizational work. '''" "Draft Party Program of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)". Selected Works of Lenin, Vol. 3, People's Publishing House, 1972, p. 768.Here, Lenin is talking about the implementation of the bonus system among bourgeois experts. Regarding the introduction of the reward system among the workers, Lenin said in his "Report on the Work of the People's Committee" in 1920: '''"In addition to our resolute implementation of production propaganda, there is another way of influence, namely, in-kind rewards", "to reward those who A man who has shown heroism on the labor front after incalculable hardship '''. '''" '''"Report on the Work of the People's Committee". "Selected Works of Lenin", Volume 4, People's Publishing House, 1972 edition, pp. 391-392.However, Lenin clearly pointed out in the Tenth National Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in 1921: "The decree on rewarding workers with some factory products is a lack of confidence and pessimism rooted in the past. Concessions made by psychologically linked emotions. Within a small limit, such concessions are necessary.” How to understand the necessity of this concession made at that time? Lenin said: " '''The necessity of our past and present concessions can only be seen from the economic point of view, from the point of view of the interests of the proletariat, and not from any other point of view. The basic and most important of the proletariat The interests are the restoration of large-scale industry and the solid economic foundation of large-scale industry. With these, the proletariat can consolidate its dictatorship and completely implement the dictatorship in spite of all political and war difficulties. Why do we have to make concessions? Why go beyond Is it extremely dangerous to know the limits of what it should be? This is because it is only because of temporary conditions and difficulties in food and fuel that we are compelled to do so. '''" The Tenth National Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The Complete Works of Lenin, Vol. 32, pp. 401-402.This clearly shows that Lenin at the Therefore, there are specific historical reasons for advocating the implementation of the reward system. At that time, the new Soviet regime was under the threat of imperialist armed intervention and white bandit rebellion. The domestic economy was severely damaged, industrial production was greatly reduced, agricultural harvests were poor, food and fuel were extremely scarce, and famine and epidemics spread everywhere. The composition of factory workers has changed a lot due to the large number of excellent workers on the front lines. It was under such a serious situation that, as a temporary concession, Lenin proposed to implement the reward system within certain limits in order to increase industrial and agricultural production, improve people's living standards, and strengthen national defense forces to defend the nascent proletarian regime. But Lenin emphasized that " '''what is decisive is the consciousness and steadfastness of the working class", because this is "not only a historical factor, but a factor that determines and overcomes everything. '''" "Report of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Brazzaville)." "Selected Works of Lenin", Vol. 4, People's Publishing House, 1972 edition, pp. 166-167.From this it can be seen that the modern revisionists leave Under certain historical conditions, it is completely wrong to one-sidedly seize Lenin's statement about the implementation of the reward system as the basis for their implementation of the reward system, and it is fundamentally contrary to Lenin's consistent teaching. Their purpose is very clear, that is, to use bonuses as a means of corrupting the masses of workers and dismantling the foundation of the socialist economy.

There are two main methods for evaluating and scoring work: one is to first classify each member according to the labor ability and labor attitude of each member, and determine the work points for each working day according to the level, which is generally called "bottom score". After a member has attended work, the work points are assessed according to the "bottom points" and with reference to the specific labor conditions of the members. At present, most production teams in our country adopt this method. The other is to only record the attendance time of the members every day, and conduct a work evaluation every quarter, half a year or a year; during the evaluation, first set up a model for each level of the determined work points, and then each person will compare the pacesetter. It is up to everyone to discuss which level they belong to. This method was created by the Dazhai Brigade. It reflects certain restrictions on the legal rights of the bourgeoisie and is conducive to cultivating the communist labor attitude of the members. At present, many production teams in my country have adopted this method according to their actual situation. In addition, in some production teams, for some farm work, there are also fixed points for labor. Scoring according to the labor quota is to formulate labor quotas for various farm work, and then determine the quota work points standards according to the technical requirements, labor intensity, importance in production and seasonal differences of various farm work. After the members have completed the quantity and quality of the quota of labor and have passed the experience and acceptance, they can calculate the due labor points according to the quota of labor points. Practice has proved that this method of dividing points according to the labor quota is the same as the piece-rate wage system in the economy owned by the whole people, and the bourgeois legal rights are more serious.

The Paris Commune made the following reforms to the wage system:

1. Abolish the high salaries and all economic privileges of the old state officials, stipulate that the maximum salary of the employees of various municipal organs is 6,000 francs per year, which is equivalent to the income of a skilled worker, and stipulate that part-time jobs are not paid.

2. Raise the wages of low-level staff and workers, and greatly narrow the gap between the two extremes of wages. For example, in the post office, the gap between the minimum wage (delivery staff) and the highest wage (director) was more than ten times in the past, but after the reform, it has narrowed to three to four times.

These measures mainly include:

1. Reduce high salaries and stipulate that party members shall not receive high salaries and enjoy privileges.

From the very beginning, the Soviet regime announced a policy of reducing high wages to the level of middle-class workers. In November 1917, it was stipulated that the maximum monthly salary of the People's Commissars should not exceed five hundred rubles. This was roughly equivalent to the average monthly salary of 400 to 500 rubles for skilled workers at that time. In early 1919, it was stipulated that the maximum monthly salary of the People's Commissars was 2,000 rubles. At that time, the maximum salary of workers was 1,160 rubles, less than double the difference.

In September 1920, the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) stipulated that "Party members and responsible staff members have no right to receive personal special wages, bonuses and additional remuneration".

As for bourgeois specialists, Lenin once advocated temporarily paying them high salaries according to the conditions of the time. But Lenin pointed out: "This approach is a compromise, a departure from the principles of the Paris Commune and of any proletarian power. "The Current Tasks of Soviet Power". "Selected Works of Lenin", Vol. 3, People's Publishing House, 1972 edition, p. 502." In taking this measure, Lenin also repeatedly reminded people of the corrosive effects of such high wages.

Second, narrow the wage gap within the working people.

After the October Revolution, Lenin emphasized many times that the salaries and wages of all walks of life in all parts of the country should be leveled. In January 1919, the ratio of the lowest to highest wages in the wage scale of workers was 1:1.75, in April 1920 it was 1:2, and in individual sectors it was 1:2.8.

According to reports, workers in state-run enterprises in the Soviet Union are now generally paid around a hundred rubles a month, and those considered unskilled handymen are only sixty rubles a month. The basic salary of managers, factory directors, chief engineers and others is 300 to 500 rubles, plus part-time wages, additional wages and bonuses, and even more than 1,000 rubles. The same is true in the "collective farms". The farmer's monthly income is only about 40 rubles per month, while the average monthly salary of the farm chairman is 250 to 300 rubles, and some can reach 580 rubles. Plus bonuses and extra money, even up to more than a thousand rubles.

As for the nation's largest handful of monopoly bourgeoisie and spiritual aristocracy, the wages are even higher. In party and government offices, ministerial salaries range from seven or eight hundred rubles to two thousand rubles. In the military system, the commander of the army is paid 1,000 rubles, the commander of the army group is 1,400 rubles, and the commander of the front army is 1,800 rubles. In addition to wages, they also receive additional salaries and subsidies and enjoy various privileges. In the field of culture, education and technology, the salary of the director of the research institute is more than 1,000 to 1,500 rubles, in addition to a large number of other remunerations, such as allowances for official errands, manuscript fees, and other legal and illegal income.

There are three forms of labor remuneration in Shanghai county and team industries in Shanghai: (1) wage system. Before 1970, the workers who worked in the factories run by Qianshe were generally under a fixed wage system; in 1974, the average income of these workers (including food subsidies) was 53% higher than that of the farmers. (2) The scoring system for work evaluation. In order to narrow the income gap between migrant workers and agricultural workers , most of the workers who entered the commune and set up factories in 1970 and after this year adopted a work-based scoring system. In 1974, the annual average income (including food subsidies) of these migrant workers was 39% higher than the average income of the county's agricultural workers. In this way, the income gap was narrowed. Most of the team-run factories also practice this distribution method. (3) Return to the team distribution system. The commune and team industries that implement this distribution method allocate the labor remuneration of the migrant workers to their production teams as collective sideline income. In addition to receiving certain subsidies, migrant workers participate in the distribution of their production teams just like agricultural workers.

In the thirty-two years from 1868 to 1900, the production of means of production in the United States increased by 2.4 times, while the production of means of consumption increased by only 1.9 times. In the twenty-nine years from 1900 to 1929, the means of production in the United States increased by 1.3 times, while the production of means of consumption increased by only 60%. In the one hundred and thirty-two years from 1781 to 1913, the production of the British means of production industry grew by an average of 3.4% per year, while the average annual growth of the consumer goods industry was only 2.4%.

During the various periods of socialist construction in the Soviet Union under the leadership of Stalin, there was also a trend of rapid growth in the production of means of production: from 1929 to 1932, the average annual growth rates of industrial means of production and consumption were 28.6% and 11.7% respectively; 1933 19% and 14.8% respectively from 1938 to 1937; 15.3% and 10% respectively from 1938 to 1940; 7.4% and 2.1% respectively from 1941 to 1950.

In the process of socialist construction in our country, the rapid growth in the production of means of production is even more remarkable. During the ten years from 1949 to 1959, my country's total industrial output value increased by 10.8 times, of which the production of means of production increased by 26.1 times.

In imperialist countries, due to the monopoly bourgeoisie grabbing high profits and pursuing world hegemony, the arms industry has expanded viciously. The production of arms itself, such as the production of cannons, tanks, etc., does not provide means of production and does not belong to the first category; at the same time, it does not provide consumer goods, but provides military materials for war consumption, so it constitutes a second category. a special department. As a result of the vicious expansion of the arms industry, the relationship between the two major departments is complicated, social production develops abnormally, and the speed of production development will inevitably decline. On the other hand, the Soviet revisionist social-imperialism ramped up its armaments from 1956 to 1975. The proportion of military expenditure in national income was 13% in 1960, 17% in 1970, and 20% in 1975, more than the second time. Fascist Germany and Japan before World War II , and the United States during the Vietnam War after World War II (their military spending at that time also did not exceed 12% of national income). As a result of the Soviet revisionist social-imperialism's aggressive expansion of arms and preparations for war, agricultural investment was crowded out; while the main part of industrial investment was used in sectors related to arms production, and less than 15% of industrial investment was used in the production of consumer goods. It has caused serious damage to the expansion of reproduction, and the growth rate of industrial and agricultural output value is getting lower and lower. The growth rates of national income, industrial output value, and agricultural output value stipulated in the ninth five-year (1971-1975) plan of the Soviet revisionists dropped by 36% and 28%, respectively, compared with the sixth five-year (1956-1960) plan. and 69%. In the eleven years from 1965 to 1975, agricultural production decreased in seven years. The industrial and agricultural production of the Soviet revisionists was a mess, mainly the result of the restoration of capitalism, and the vicious expansion of the arms industry accelerated this process of deterioration.

In the capitalist world, even in times of economic prosperity, there is often a relative overpopulation, with the unemployed often accounting for around 4 percent of the workforce. Once the economic crisis broke out, the proportion was even higher. According to the official announcement of the United States, the unemployment rate for the whole year of 1975 was 85%, and the number of unemployed people reached 7.8 million by the end of the year. If you add the semi-unemployed and the unemployed who have now given up hope of finding work due to long-term unemployment, the total number of unemployed persons is 15 million, the actual unemployment rate is 15%, and the black unemployment rate is 15%. up to 26%. In other capitalist countries, young workers and women workers are hardest hit by unemployment. For example, of the 700,000 unemployed in Italy, 450,000 are young people looking for a job for the first time. Among the unemployed in Belgium, there are more than twice as many female workers as male workers.

The polarization of rich and poor is the inevitable companion of capitalist accumulation. According to the August 5, 1972 issue of Business Weekly, citing materials from the University of Michigan Research Center, in 1970 the richest 5% of families in the United States accounted for more than 40% of the nation's social wealth; % of the family, only about 3% of the national social wealth. According to the New York Times Magazine on November 5, 1972, citing a 1970 survey of fifty-one urban areas published by the National Census Bureau, more than 60 percent of all workers in these surveyed areas could not earn enough money, to maintain a decent standard of living for their families; 30% do not even get a poverty-level income.

According to the Soviet revisionist newspaper, in the Soviet Union, "there is a surplus of labor force in some areas" and "the employment of residents has become a problem." To this end, so-called "employment agencies" have been widely set up in various places. The business is very busy, and thousands of job seekers are "in an endless stream". From 1969 to 1974, millions of job seekers came to the door of the Russian Federation and Kazakhstan alone.

There are many "economically disadvantaged families" in the Soviet Union today. Su Xiu's "Socialist Labor" magazine explained that the so-called families in financial difficulties are families whose average income is lower than the level necessary to "guarantee a minimum standard of material living". TASS confessed in a message in November 1974 that such "economically disadvantaged families" "involved 25 million people". The reality is of course much more serious. According to calculations in Soviet revisionist newspapers, in Soviet cities, such "economically disadvantaged families" accounted for about 20% of the urban population. In the Soviet collective farms, the part of the field laborers who use animal power and manual labor also belongs to this "economically difficult family", and this part alone accounts for more than 50% of the total number of farmers.

There is a production team in Xuejiashe, with a small land and a large number of people, in Shanghai County, which provides us with an example that can illustrate the problem. This production team is very large, with a total of 166 households, 566 people, and 328 laborers, but the arable land is only 301 mu, with an average of only five cents per person. In 1974, there were 14 kinds of power machinery with 36 pieces; there were 113 pieces of non-power machinery. The degree of agricultural mechanization: machine farming is 95%, electric irrigation is 100% topdressing, watering, field transportation, rice and wheat threshing, grain and vegetable plant protection, and feed cutting or crushing, etc., basically realized mechanization or semi-mechanization. The realization of agricultural mechanization has not only reduced the labor intensity and changed the situation of "a pole is always on one's shoulders and bent over for thousands of years", but also liberated a large number of laborers. In 1974, a total of 37,000 labors were saved, which is equivalent to an extra labor force of 145 that year. If you add the 178 natural additions from 1965 to 1974, the total is 323 more. This team originally had a small number of people, and there was so much more labor force. Did it cause a labor surplus? No. Please see how well this army of laborers liberated under the socialist system has done a great job: they have pushed the extra labor force into the depth and breadth of production, added 156 laborers in agricultural production, and put food The production was changed from two crops to three crops. In 1974, the per-mu yield reached 2,190 catties. The multi-cropping index of vegetables increased from 3.5 times in 1965 to 4.5 times in 1974, and the yield per mu was as high as 157 dan. They also used the extra labor force to carry out various operations, and the labor force used in sideline production was 31 in 1970, and increased to 76 in 1974, and the total income from sideline production increased from 118,000 to 118,000. Diversified, increased to more than 273,700 yuan. The Xuejiashe production team achieved agricultural mechanization and increased labor productivity. Not only did it not bring about overpopulation, but it created favorable conditions for the depth and breadth of production. In 1974, the income level of its members reached an average of 540 per labor force. Five yuan, each person reached 336 yuan, an increase of 48% over 1965, while the collective property of the production team became larger and larger. In 1974, the public accumulation withheld 92,300 yuan, an increase of 2.24 times.

Over the past 20 years, my country's capital construction investment has been huge and has grown rapidly. The total investment in capital construction in 1973 was more than twenty-seven times higher than the total investment in capital construction in 1950. Capital construction investment is the main form of realizing socialist accumulation, and its growth shows that my country's socialist accumulation and social wealth have developed tremendously. With the growth of socialist accumulation, socialist reproduction has also been greatly developed. In the twenty-five years since the founding of the People's Republic of China (1949-1974), although the population has increased by 60%, food has increased by 1.4 times, cotton has increased by 4.7 times, and various light industrial products have increased several times and dozens of times. times, and the growth rate of heavy industrial products is even greater. With the development of social production, the living standards of the working people have gradually improved. The average wage of Chinese workers in 1973 was nearly 40% higher than that in 1952, the last year of the national economic recovery period; during the same period, the total wage increased by more than four times. Unemployment left over from the old society was eliminated as early as 1958. From 1949 to 1973, the number of employees across the country increased by about six times; during the same period, the total retail sales of consumer goods in my country increased by 5.7 times; The number of health care beds has increased by more than seventeen times.

For example, in a production sector such as the shipbuilding industry, it takes about half a year to build a 10,000-ton wheel, and several thousand tons of steel are consumed. Not only is the production cycle relatively long, but also the proportion of raw materials in the entire product value is also high. bigger. Therefore, it needs more funds for raw material reserves and processing products, semi-finished products, etc. In its capital structure, the proportion of production funds is also relatively large. For another example, in a production sector such as the rubber industry, the production cycle to produce a tire or a pair of rubber shoes is only two or three days. Therefore, in its capital structure, the proportion of raw material reserves and production capital in products and semi-finished products will not be as large as the shipbuilding industry.

At the end of 1974, among the enterprises affiliated to the eight local industrial bureaus in Shanghai, the three forms of funds accounted for 6.77%: monetary funds accounted for 6.77%, production funds accounted for 81.96%, and commodity funds accounted for 11.87%. Among them, the production funds of the Textile Industry Bureau accounted for the largest proportion, reaching 87.19%, while the production funds of the Chemical Industry Bureau accounted for a smaller proportion, but also reached 71.81%.

my country's use of credit to mobilize idle monetary funds in enterprises and society has increased year by year. In the 21 years from 1952 to 1973, the total deposits of various types of banks increased by 7.4 times, among which the savings of urban residents increased by nearly ten times. The lending of these funds to industry, commerce and agriculture promoted the development of socialist industrial and agricultural production.

As early as during the Second Civil Revolutionary War, the Communist Party of China established a national bank in the central revolutionary base area of Jiangxi. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the People's War of Liberation, the revolutionary base areas successively established the people's own banks in accordance with Chairman Mao's repeated instructions that " '''big banks, big industries, and big commerce should be owned by the state of this republic ." '''The New Democracy. Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, People's Publishing House, 1967 Horizontal Edition, p. 638.With the successive victories of the People's Liberation War throughout the country, in December 1948, the People's Bank of China was established, establishing a unified banking and currency system in New China; Banks in China of socialist countries have carried out socialist transformation of private banks opened by the national bourgeoisie. In this way, in a very short period of time, our country's socialist financial system was established.

my country's socialist financial system currently consists of the People's Bank of China, the People's Construction Bank of China, the Bank of China, and rural credit cooperatives.

The People's Bank of China is my country's national bank, the center of national credit, settlement and cash collection, and the currency issuing bank of my country. By centralizing credit management, organizing non-cash settlement, and managing currency issuance, the National Bank promotes the development of industrial and agricultural production and the circulation of commodities, and serves for the development of the socialist economy and the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The People's Construction Bank of China is the department in charge of capital construction finance, specializing in handling capital construction appropriations, loans and settlements, organizing capital construction financial management and economic accounting, supervising the rational and economical use of capital construction funds, and avoiding waste of funds and materials.

Under the leadership of the People's Bank of China, the Bank of China handles foreign exchange and international settlements, and promotes the development of my country's foreign economic relations and foreign trade.

Rural credit cooperatives are the assistants of the National Bank in rural financial work, and its shares, accumulations and other properties are collectively owned by the members of the credit cooperatives. Under the leadership of the People's Bank of China, rural credit cooperatives mainly handle the business of rural deposits, and according to the needs of production development, grant loans for production costs and production equipment to the collective economy of rural people's communes. At the same time, it also helps the poor and lower-middle peasants to overcome possible temporary difficulties in life, and stops and combats usury activities.

The taxation of capitalist countries is the participation of the bourgeois state in the division of surplus value and the additional exploitation of the working people by the entire bourgeoisie. This kind of exploitation, with the intensification of internal and external contradictions in the capitalist country and the strengthening of the state apparatus, has become an unbearable burden on the broad masses of working people.

In the United States, of the federal government's total budget revenue of nearly $300 billion in fiscal year 1975, personal income tax was $129 billion, social security tax was $73.6 billion,

This is an increase of 9.3% and 11%, respectively, over FY 1974. These two direct federal taxes alone account for 68 percent of total federal budget revenue. Dividing these two direct taxes evenly across the nation, an American would pay $957, an increase of 9.24 percent over the previous fiscal year.

In the Soviet Union, in addition to extracting surplus value in the production process, the bureaucratic monopoly capitalist class also exploited the working people in the form of resident tax. In 1960 the total resident tax amounted to 5.6 billion rubles, and in 1974 it increased to 16.7 billion rubles, a nearly tripled increase. In 1973, the average resident tax paid by each worker's family in the Soviet Union accounted for more than 11% of wage income.

In capitalist countries, issuing domestic public debt and borrowing foreign debt is also an important item of budget revenue. By the end of 1974, the domestic debt issued by the United States had totaled $492.7 billion. Su Xiu also lived by issuing domestic public bonds and begging for loans from foreign countries. According to incomplete statistics, as of 1970, the internal debt of Soviet revisionists had reached 31.6 billion rubles. Since Brezhnev came to power in 1964, foreign debts begging from Western countries have also exceeded 20 billion US dollars. The domestic and foreign debts of capitalist countries serve the interests of the monopoly capitalist class, but they have to be repaid by the working people, so they are essentially exploiting the working people.

Take U.S. imperialism as an example. During the period from fiscal year 1971 to 1975, the cumulative direct military expenditure amounted to $399 billion, an average of over $79 billion per year. In the federal government budget for fiscal year 1976, the military budget was as high as $94 billion. In addition to other indirect military expenses, the average military expenditure accounts for about one-third of the total budget expenditure . The Soviet revisionist social-imperialists carried out foreign aggression and expansion, competed with U.S. imperialism for world hegemony, increased armaments even more frantically, and implemented the policy of militarization of the national economy. Since 1971, the military expenditure of Soviet revisionists has exceeded that of the United States every year. In dollar terms, in 1974, Soviet revisions spent about five and a half times as much on ICBMs as in the United States; about 30 percent more for submarine-launched ballistic missile programs; and about 30 percent more for strategic defense programs than the U.S. seven times more. Nearly 20% of the Soviet revisionist's national income was used for military expenditures.

In twenty-one of the three decades from fiscal year 1946 to fiscal year 1975, US imperialism had a budget deficit. For the twenty-nine years ending in 1974, the cumulative net budget deficit in the United States had reached more than $173.1 billion. The budget deficit of Soviet revisionist social-imperialism from 1965 to 1967 was 15.5 billion rubles, and the budget deficit from 1968 to 1971 was estimated at 40.1 billion rubles. In order to make up for the huge budget deficit, Su Xiu had to resort to inflation and aggravate the exploitation of the working people.

In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, it was faced with inflation, soaring prices, market chaos, and people's hardships caused by the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang. Through unified financial and economic management, vigorously rectifying taxation, and strengthening cash management, the state has quickly achieved a balance of fiscal revenue and expenditure, curbed inflation, and stabilized market prices on the basis of promoting production recovery and development, thus consolidating the new proletarian revolutionary regime. , creating favorable conditions for the development of large-scale socialist economic construction.

During the period of socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production, the state uses finance as a tool to treat capitalist industry and commerce differently in terms of taxation and credit according to the extent to which it is beneficial to the national economy and people's livelihood and the degree to which it accepts socialist transformation. It cooperates with the state's utilization, restriction and transformation of capitalist industry and commerce. The state also restricted the spontaneous forces of capitalism in urban and rural areas through taxation and credit, supported peasants and handicraftsmen to take the road of cooperation, and promoted the socialist transformation of the individual economy. At the same time, the state allocated funds in a planned way through finance to carry out economic construction centered on heavy industry, which promoted the rapid development of the state-run economy.

After the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production has basically been completed, the socialist finance will continue to allocate and redistribute funds to ensure the continuous development of the national economy and the strengthening and strengthening of the socialist economic foundation, and to promote the political front, economic front and The socialist revolution on the ideological front continued to develop in depth, and to a certain extent supported the people of the world in their anti-imperialist and anti-hegemonic revolutionary struggles.